Documents of CPIML
11th Party Congress,
Vinod Mishra Nagar (Patna, Bihar),
16-20 February, 2023
The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) is the highest political organisation of the Indian proletariat fighting for realising its supreme class mission. It comprises the advanced detachments of the people and serves as the core of leadership of the people of India in their quest for liberation from feudal fetters and the plunder and domination of big capital and imperialism and for securing equal rights and rapid progress as free citizens irrespective of gender, caste, creed, language or nationality.
Beginning with the minimum programme of accomplishing new democratic revolution in India, the Party dedicates itself to the maximum programme of bringing about socialist transformation and communism, to the ultimate aim of abolition of all kinds of exploitation of human by human.
The Party derives its world outlook from Marxist philosophy and accepts the integrated system of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought as its guide to action. To develop the correct line of Indian revolution, the Party wages a relentless battle against reformism, revisionism, liquidationism, bourgeois liberalism, anarchism and all other erroneous ideas and trends, both inside and outside the Party.
The Party upholds and practises proletarian internationalism and opposes imperialism, hegemonism, colonialism/neo-colonialism, expansionism, racism, chauvinism, aggression and domination of every kind in international relations. It cherishes unity with all revolutionary communist, socialist and workers’ parties and organisations in different parts of the world. It supports the struggles of workers, oppressed peoples and nations throughout the world and makes common cause with all such movements against the forces of imperialism and reaction with the ultimate goal of complete emancipation of the entire humankind. In matters of fraternal relations, the Party adheres to the principles of independence, non-interference, equality, mutual respect and cooperation.
Combining theory with practice, maintaining close links with the masses and practising criticism, self-criticism and timely rectification are the three cardinal principles of the Party’s style of work. In developing its practice, the Party always adheres to the policy of seeking truth from facts and conducting deep investigation and serious studies.
Members of the Party cherish utmost love for the people, uphold all the fine revolutionary traditions of Indian society and have the courage to hold high the banner of truth and communism even at the cost of their own lives.
Although dubbed an emerging Asian power India is still home to the largest contingent of the planet’s poor. Indian corporates are spreading their wings in global skies, but our country still ranks very low in terms of both global hunger index and the human development index with a pitiable per capita income.
The cruel contrast between a tiny top that revels in unbridled accumulation and conspicuous consumption and a massive foundation that produces all the wealth but remains mired in the dark depths of deprivation is the outcome of a highly skewed development strategy. Agriculture, still the source of subsistence and employment for the vast majority of our people but weighed down by the preponderance of a semi-feudal small peasant economy and caught in a perennial crisis of capitalist transition via landlord path and marked also by the emergence of a land mafia engaged in aggressive land grab for commercial purposes in collusion with corrupt officials and political dons, is allowed to decline; most traditional industries stagnate while sectors catering to export markets, overseas interests or elitist consumption tend to advance; speculative activities and real estate sectors are prioritised as engines of growth even as our natural and human resources are increasingly subjected to corporate-imperialist plunder.
The accelerated and all-round penetration of capital, including in agriculture, takes place not so much by eradicating as by utilising the stubborn remnants of feudalism in production relations and value systems, thereby reproducing them in new forms. Such survivals not only ensure the availability of cheap labour power and raw materials for big capital, but also provide a structural foundation for the persistence of various obscurantist and parochial ideas as well as systematic casteist and feudal-patriarchal oppression, often in most barbaric forms. In short, feudal survivals in league with growing corporate control, especially the dominance of super-privileged crony capitalists, over the country’s economic lifelines and institutions of parliamentary democracy retard and distort the development of productive forces and act as the biggest stumbling block to a thorough democratisation of Indian society and polity.
Despite its growing economic muscle, politically the ruling bureaucrat-monopoly bourgeoisie retains its original comprador character. It has developed close economic relations with a whole range of countries, participates in several multilateral fora and economic blocs and enjoys a considerable capacity to bargain with different foreign powers, and undertake sizable export of capital to serve its economic expansionist ambitions in the neighbourhood and beyond and compete for mineral and oil resources, but all this operates within a framework of essential dependence on imperialism that expresses itself as various technological, financial and marketing tie-ups at the micro level and more importantly at the macro level as wholesale adoption of the economic philosophy of neoliberalism and a state policy of subservience to imperialist designs.
This enables the imperialist-dominated multilateral agencies and big foreign powers to interfere blatantly in our domestic economic and political affairs and policy matters, and to draw India as a junior partner to serve their geo-political games under the garb of ‘strategic partnerships’, thereby greatly influencing and restricting our sovereign choices and priorities.
In the name of promoting rapid economic growth, the ruling classes have embraced the strategy of refashioning the role of the state as facilitator of corporate plunder – drastically reducing its direct role in production and distribution, abdicating its responsibility to guarantee the basic welfare of the people, and handing over the reins of the economy to the market forces led by big capital, with big Indian companies working in close collaboration with foreign corporations. This model of development, facilitated and enforced by the state, has led to an unprecedented job crisis, massive accumulation of wealth in a few hands even as the gulf between the rich and the poor widens glaringly and vast sections of the working people are subjected to displacement, dispossession and impoverishment. Pro-corporate pro-imperialist policy regime enjoys rather uncritical support from dominant sections of the corporate media and influential layers of the upwardly mobile middle class even as large sections of the expanding middle class support the popular struggle against corporate plunder and imperialist domination and often lend a sharper edge to the battle for assertion of the democratic rights and aspirations of the people.
In sum, the Party recognises India as a predominantly agrarian backward capitalist society, retarded by, and yet reinforcing, stubborn feudal remnants and stark colonial hangovers, and reeling under the rapacious domination of global capital and imperialism.
The state in India is led by the pro-imperialist big bourgeoisie in alliance with landlords and kulaks. In collaboration with global capital, Indian capital has begun to expand its overseas operations. The Indian state too is emerging increasingly as a regional hegemonic power, albeit as a key ally in the global design of US imperialism.
The affairs of the Indian state are apparently conducted within a constitutional and parliamentary-democratic framework where the people have the formal right to elect their representatives at various levels. The legal, juridical and administrative superstructure and the armed forces in India are however still largely of colonial vintage. Designed by an alien power for the purpose of suppressing and governing a subject people, this superstructure denies the overwhelming majority of the Indian people their basic dignity and standing as free citizens. The colonial era culture of ruler-subject relationship continues to overshadow the modern democratic notion of citizenship even as a rigidly hierarchical caste society and patriarchal diktats of clans and communities severely restrict and undermine the assertion of individual freedom and rights. Governance in post-colonial India has continued to be marked by indiscriminate recourse to draconian laws; extra-legal and extra-judicial repression; custodial torture, rape and killings; staged ‘encounters’; detention without trial; witch-hunt of minorities, adivasis and political dissenters; police brutalities on popular protests; and even Army intervention in so-called ‘disturbed areas’ with the armed forces enjoying ‘special powers’ of repression with complete impunity.
India is a land of several nationalities and ethno-lingual groupings. Growing economic and cultural interaction and mutual assimilation backed by decades of unity forged in the course of anti-colonial freedom movement and anti-imperialist and democratic struggles have lent a unified Indian face to the multinational mosaic of our society. But this process of evolution of people’s unity suffers from pronounced regional disparities and a policy of blatant discrimination and relentless suppression on the part of the chauvinistic and over-centralised Indian state as witnessed most glaringly in Kashmir and the Northeast like castigating Gorkhas and others demanding federal rights and autonomy. Various nationalities and national minorities are, therefore, pushed into prolonged struggles for various forms and degrees of self-determination. Apart from brutally suppressing these aspirations and struggles, the state also resorts to divide-and-rule manipulations and counter-insurgency manoeuvres, fomenting narrow ethnic and fratricidal clashes and sustaining an environment of relentless violence and insecurity for innocent civilians.
Caste oppression and discrimination legitimised by Brahminical and neo-Brahminical ideology and culture remains another obnoxious feature of the society and state in India. Eradication of social oppression and annihilation of castes therefore constitutes another cardinal revolutionary goal. The Indian state also protects and promotes all sorts of patriarchal structures and forces while waxing eloquent about women’s equality and empowerment. The phenomena of religious fundamentalism, communalism, casteism, sexism, ethnic exclusivism, linguistic and regional chauvinism prevalent at different layers of the Indian polity, are not simply relics of a bygone feudal-colonial era, they are very much part and parcel of ‘modern’ India. The ruling classes and their parties utilise these instruments in a calculated way to weaken and disrupt the growing democratic unity and awakening of the Indian people.
All these innate weaknesses and distortions in Indian society and polity have paved the way for the nearly century-long ideological-political campaign of Hindu supremacist nationalism to capture state power and strive to redefine our country as a brazenly communal fascist state, a tyrannical Hindu Rashtra. Gaining and retaining power by pitting one community against another and combining brazen clampdown on democratic dissent with nationalist-populist demagogy and social engineering; state terror supplemented by Sanghi terror under state protection; unprecedented levels of financial corruption and political maleficence; Machiavellian legal and administrative subterfuges; saffronisation of education and the academia; communalisation of historiography, politics and culture; bizarre predilection for undermining federalism and for executive dominance over parliament, all constitutional and quasi-constitutional authorities and even the judiciary itself -- such are some of the defining features of the way the Indian state functions today. While cronyism has reached its peak, the deadly duo of big data capitalism and the surveillance state armed with digital identification systems, lethal spywares and stringent IT Rules, are being freely used by the regime to try and convert the whole country into a virtual prison. In sum, the present dispensation is hell bent on reducing the framework of parliamentary democracy, already undergoing serious erosion over the decades, to just a deceptive cover to hide an increasingly despotic and blatantly repressive mechanism that negates even the elementary tenets of democracy, such as rule of law and adherence to the constitution. To foil this diabolic design and to dislodge the fascists from its new-found position of power is therefore the most urgent task of India's democratic revolution.
Indian society is driven by four main contradictions — the contradiction between imperialism and the Indian people, that between feudal fetters and remnants and the broad masses of the people, between big capital and the Indian people, the working class and the peasantry in particular, and the contradiction among various sections of the ruling classes. While the first three contradictions are of an antagonistic nature, the last one remains generally non-antagonistic, resolved usually through a complex process of bargaining and compromises. In the midst of a marked aggravation/accentuation of the antagonistic contradictions, imperialism, big capital and feudal remnants also present themselves as a veritable nexus and the masses of our people are groaning under the dead weight of this alliance. The antagonism between this nexus and the broad Indian masses thus constitutes the principal contradiction of present Indian society, and only by grasping and resolving this contradiction can the existing oppressive order be overthrown.
These main contradictions determine the stage of our revolution – the stage of people’s democratic revolution with agrarian revolution as its axis. The primary aim of this democratic revolution will be to sweep away all feudal remnants, abolish imperialist domination, restrain and control big capital by effective taxation, nationalisation and other means, and democratise the entire apparatus and mechanism of governance. Victorious democratic revolution will therefore also mark a bold step towards socialism and strengthen the material basis for an uninterrupted socialist transition.
A people’s democratic revolution in India can only be consummated under the leadership of the working class, the most consistently revolutionary as well as the most organised and advanced detachment of the Indian people.
To lead the people’s democratic revolution on to victory, it is imperative for the working class to emerge as a united and independent political force and develop its hegemony over the general democratic movement. To this end, the working class must
To sharpen and consolidate the political strike-power of the working class, the Party lays special emphasis on developing unity in action among all Left forces to resist the offensive of big capital and imperialism. While taking every initiative to forge broad-based unity of all Left and democratic forces, the Party is committed to the historic goal of unification of all Indian communists under the banner of a single party through a relentless struggle against the tailist social-democratic trend and left adventurist and semi-anarchist tendencies in the communist movement.
The people of India have time and again risen against the ruthless exploitation and oppression of the ruling classes. Their awakening assumes a variety of forms and is often led by various types of party and non-party forces, including at times the opposition parties of ruling classes. The Party supports all such movements and always strives to orient them towards the goal of people’s democratic revolution.
The main force of the democratic revolution led by the working class is the peasantry. The Party fully relies on the rural proletariat and poor peasants, and resolutely unites with the middle peasantry and other middle sections, while trying to win over a section of rich peasants and neutralise the rest so that the majority may be prevented from joining the enemies of the revolution. To the extent that rich farmers -- especially those from the crisis-ridden green revolution areas -- fight the government’s disastrous pro-imperialist corporatisation scheme, the Party actively participates in it and strives to underscore in the broad movement the specific demands of poor, landless, Dalit and women peasants. The urban poor and toiling masses constitute the mainstay of the Party’s urban base even as sections of middle classes constitute an important ally. Small traders, manufacturers and other small and medium capitalists and the bourgeois intelligentsia usually remain vacillating and unstable allies.
In order to carry the people’s democratic revolution through to an end, it is necessary that a people’s democratic front be forged comprising all these classes, with the worker-peasant alliance as its basis, under the leadership of the working class. To this end, the Party develops and works in cooperation with, and also from within, a whole range of class and sectional organisations as well as multi-class united front organisations. In accordance with the needs of any given political situation, the Party remains ready to join hands with a whole range of fighting democratic forces in issue-based joint campaigns and even enter into alliances, even if short-lived, based on suitable common programmes.
To accomplish people’s democratic revolution in a vast and complex country like India, a communist party has to be especially skilful in mastering every available avenue of work and extra-parliamentary as well as parliamentary forms of struggle and in making quick transitions between various forms. The Party therefore strives to develop a comprehensive revolutionary practice through an organic combination of all necessary forms of struggle and organisation.
Under normal circumstances, the Indian polity allows communists to work through open, legal and parliamentary means. In the parliamentary arena, the Party must be prepared to play the role of a revolutionary opposition for a protracted period, developing appropriate electoral tactics commensurate with the Party’s basic united front line. In the course of electoral struggle, it is possible for communists to win majorities in local bodies and even state legislatures. While tilting the balance of class forces through protracted and vigorous political struggles, the Party is prepared to utilise such opportunities independently or in coalition with likeminded forces provided the Party enjoys the strength to ensure the fulfilment of its own commitment to the electorate.
In any case, the Party’s relation with and role in such local bodies and governments will be guided by the following basic principles:
The history of India’s anti-colonial struggle and the communist movement and the developing anti-corporate struggle is replete with instances of emergence of various forms and degrees of people’s power starting from various types of people’s committees at the grassroots, workers’/citizens’ councils in factories and/or workers’ neighbourhoods to various organs of people’s self-rule, however short-lived. The Party strives to realise and encourage the possibility of emergence of such local powers of the people in the course of popular struggles to defend the interests and rights of the people.
The Party does not rule out the possibility that under a set of exceptional national and international circumstances – for example, in conditions of a decisive mass upsurge – the balance of social and political forces may even permit a relatively peaceful transfer of central power to revolutionary forces. But in a country where democratic institutions are based on essentially fragile and narrow foundations and where even small victories of popular forces and partial reforms can only be achieved and maintained on the strength of mass militancy, the party of the proletariat must fully prepare itself for accomplishing the revolution by securing and sustaining the ultimate decisive victory in the face of all possible counter-revolutionary attacks. A people’s democratic front and a people’s army, therefore, remain the two most fundamental organs of revolution in the arsenal of the Party.
Overthrowing the rule of the big bourgeois-landlord alliance, the victorious revolution will usher in the rule of workers, peasants and other revolutionary classes and democratic strata – i.e., a people’s democratic state – to carry out the following basic tasks and uphold the new democratic orientation of promoting the socialist potential.
1. Thorough democratisation of the structure and affairs of the state:
1. Reconstitution of national unity from below, as opposed to the authoritarian method of imposing it from above, national unity on the basis of a federal, democratic, secular polity:
2. Promotion of rapid self-reliant, sustainable and balanced economic development and eradication of mass poverty:
3. Ensuring comprehensive public amenities and welfare:
4. Effecting a modern democratic cultural transformation of the whole society:
5. Promotion of a progressive anti-imperialist foreign policy:
With this programme of people’s democratic revolution, the Party dedicates itself wholeheartedly to the service of the great revolutionary cause of communism in India. The people of 21st Century India must win comprehensive and thoroughgoing democracy and genuine social, gender, environmental and economic justice.